- useful, open & relevant info about race issues

Point of view, opinion, race directory below

 race issues

Websites most recently added to this page.

Custom Search
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z video section
President Obama on Race Relations in America on The View
'Race Relations' Sean Hannity Special
Are We Racist?: The bias test || STEVE HARVEY


    New Report Shows Dramatic Disparities in Funding by Agencies Serving Mostly Black and Latino Clients

    Los Angeles (May 18, 2017) – Five years after the L.A. Times published an explosive exposé revealing stark racial differences in services for children with autism through California’s Department of Developmental Services (DDS), a new report confirms there has been little progress in closing the service delivery gap. Additionally, the report sheds new light on staggering disparities in funding for service agencies that serve primarily Black and Latino clientele. The report was written by the public interest law firm Public Counsel with funding support from the Lucile Packard Foundation for Children's Health.

    “A child’s ethnicity, geography, or language spoken at home, should not influence the services they receive from the state of California to treat developmental disabilities,” said Martha Matthews, director of Public Counsel’s Children Right’s Project. “Yet California’s byzantine system of service delivery ensures the most disadvantaged families get the least amount of support.”

    The new report shows that among the state’s 21 service agencies – called “regional centers” – that are charged with providing services and supports to children with developmental disabilities, there is a relationship between the percentage of Black and Latino clientele and the amount of services these agencies annually authorize for their clients:

  • The 10 regional centers that serve majority Black and Latino clients on average authorize $3,887 less per client when compared to the 11 regional centers that serve majority white and Asian clients ($15,238 vs. $19,125 respectively).

  • The five regional centers that have the highest percentage of Black and Latino clients, on average authorize $6,738 less per client when compared to the five regional centers with the highest percentage of white and Asian clients ($14,081 vs. $20,819 respectively).

  • A client at the South Central L.A. Regional Center (91% Black and Latino) receives on average nearly $8,000 less in approved services annually than a child at the Westside Regional Center in Los Angeles (55% Black and Latino).

  • The L.A. Times exposé, published in late 2011, prompted former State Senator Darrell Steinberg to create a “Task Force on Equity and Diversity,” which took input from more than 50 experts, and in 2013 published a comprehensive report identifying dozens of recommendations for reducing racial disparities in the DDS system. However, most of these reforms were never implemented.

    “Despite the calls for reform by California leaders five years ago, there has been little change in how DDS and the regional centers fundamentally operate,” said report author and senior staff attorney at Public Counsel, Brian Capra. “Our organization works closely with families, and we see regularly how this system discriminates against Black and Latino clients. We need real reform now. These families cannot wait another five years.”

    Some within the DDS system have suggested that racial disparities in funding allocations are due to “cultural differences” – with white families more willing to place their children in expensive out-of-home living arrangements. Public Counsel’s report addressed that argument by solely examining services approved for children served in their family homes.

    The report found alarming racial disparities persisted among children ages 3-21 living at home:

  • 19 of the 21 regional centers authorize less spending proportionately on Latino children than their white counterparts

  • At the Lanterman Regional Center in L.A. County – which serves a broad geographic area from Hollywood to Pasadena -- Latino children received on average $3,375 less per year in authorized services than white children ($5,562 vs. $8,937 respectively)

  • At L.A.’s Westside Regional Center, the disparity in annual funding was more stark – Latino children received on average $4,700 less in authorized services than white children ($10,126 vs. $14,835) while Black children fared only slightly better receiving $2,626 less than their white counterparts; Asian children received $2,555 less than whites.

  • “This report confirms what many people have known for years, this system is broken,” said Matthews. “It is long past time for a total overhaul of how funding and services are delivered. Services should be allocated based on client needs, and not influenced by irrelevant factors such as race and language.”

    Public Counsel has partnered with the non-profit organization, Special Needs Network to co-sponsor a bill authored by Assemblymember Sebastian Ridley-Thomas, AB 1610. The bill would create a task force to develop a new budget and allocation methodology for services based on client need.

    Additionally AB 1610 would restore non-medical therapies, social recreational services, and respite supports that were suspended in 2009 due to budget constraints – an action that was supposed to only be temporary until a new budget and allocation model for services was developed, which never happened. Advocates point to data that shows Latino, Black and Asian families used these suspended services in higher numbers than White families and therefore were especially harmed by the cuts.

    “We’re calling on our elected officials to step up and take action,” said Capra. “Assemblymember Ridley-Thomas’s bill, AB 1610, gets the process of meaningful reform started, and will deliver immediate results by making valued services once again accessible to minority families. This problem is so deep and pervasive, that tinkering around the edges won’t make a difference. We need leadership from our elected officials to fix broken promises and put an end to the flawed funding formula that is helping to drive these disparities.”


    Public Counsel is the nation’s largest Pro Bono law firm, handling impact litigation, pursuing legislative change, and providing direct legal services that reach more than 30,000 people every year in California and across the nation.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of



    The Jewish Music Moguls Who Bled Millions from a Black Legend

    The recent death of the great Rock & Roll pioneer Chuck Berry at 90 years of age, and the "love" being showered upon him, offers us the opportunity to really understand the life and legacy of a music legend. As an artist in the 1950s, Chuck Berry was one of many brilliant Black guitarists playing an electrified urban blues style, a fraternity that included such greats as B.B. King, Elmore James, Muddy Waters, and Buddy Guy. But Berry infused enough of the country twang into his style to "cross over" to the much larger and more lucrative white market. The power of his signature guitar riffs ushered many of his white imitators into superstardom. Berry was pop music's most influential sound and the very first inductee into the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame. Forget Elvis, forget the Beatles, forget Bob Dylan, forget the Rolling Stones--Chuck Berry is the King of Rock & Roll.

    Though his music legacy is well established, far less known is Chuck Berry's long and bloody battles with the cutthroats, exploiters, leeches, and piranha that infested the top rocker's financial career. Seems that the big names now "paying homage" to a musical mentor were not just imitators--they were thieves. The Beach Boys were legally forced to give Berry a writing credit for their mega-hit Rockin USA, when it was shown to be a direct larceny from Berry's Sweet Little Sixteen. The Beatles played Berry's Roll Over Beethoven as their very first song of their very first American tour. Berry had to sue them for lifting the iconic Come Together from his song You Can't Catch Me. Keith Richards of the Rolling Stones made the larcenous brag, "I lifted every lick [guitar riff] he ever played."

    The Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan, himself a master musician and playwright, spoke harshly of this underworld that our entertainers must traverse if they wish to gain the fame and fortune they worked so hard to achieve. Here, The Minister serves up a word of warning:

    "I think we have made a grave mistake; we have been deceived into thinking that the Jews have been our allies in our recent civil rights struggle....Yes, he poses as your friend. He's with you as an agent, he's with you as a manager, he's with you as an investor, he's with you as a guide in economic development, but he has never asked you to do what he has done. He networks with other rich, influential Jews and he buys, he invests, he's in trade and commerce."

    Though the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) has showcased The Minister's words as though they are manifestly untrue and "anti-Semitic," Chuck Berry is the veritable poster boy for the reality that The Minister describes.

    The pillaging of Chuck Berry's talent began on his first foray into the music world, when he was lured into the orbit of the notorious Chess brothers of Chicago. Brothers Lejzor and Fiszel Czyz were the sons of Jewish immigrants from Poland. As so many Jews have done, they Anglicized their names, rechristening themselves Leonard and Philip Chess. They became liquor store and saloon owners in Chicago's South Side, catering exclusively to Blacks, many of whom had made the trek from the South during the Great Migration. Between 1940 and 1960, the Black population in the city grew from 278,000 to 813,000. And many of these refugees brought with them a love for the Blues, a uniquely Black musical art form with roots in the deep plantation South. Leonard and Philip recognized the demand for that cultural genius and set up a recording studio to usurp its market potential.

    Chuck Berry heard of Chess studios and in 1955 he signed a contract with them to make his first record Maybellene. The record hit big and Berry went on a national concert tour. Berry chronicled a series of financially questionable incidents in his 1987 memoir, Chuck Berry: The Autobiography (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987):

    Chuck Berry's contract guaranteed him sixty percent of the box-office income at each of his concerts, which would have paid him $750 (this is equal to about $9,000 in 2017 money), but he would only get $150 if the crowds were not large enough. Maybellene was the number 1 hit in America and the crowds were huge. Still, the "big beer-bellied bully" of a manager assigned to Berry by the Chess brothers kept telling him that "they just missed" the box office and so he was entitled to just $150. Berry started counting the audience while on stage and confronted the manager, who told Berry that if he wanted more he would have to "prove it." Berry wrote: "the 10 percent of all income I was paying [Chess's assigned manager] was not in the least being earned." After catching the scoundrel cashing checks made out to him, Berry fired this "manager" and began managing himself.

     Chuck Berry

    Chuck Berry saw the actual 45 record of Maybellene when his tour reached New York. It was stacked to the ceiling in boxes in the office of one of the Chess's distributors. Berry noticed that two people he never heard of were listed on the record as co-writers! The names were Alan Freed, the crooked Jewish disc jockey implicated in the 1960s payola scandal, and another man named Russ Fratto, the landlord of the Chess office. And this "writer's credit" would entitle those ghost swindlers to two thirds of the royalties, the sole writer and performer--Chuck Berry--receiving just one third. It seems that the Chess brothers perpetrated that open thievery as a bribe to Alan Freed to play their records on the radio, and as a payoff to Russ Fratto, a printer to whom the Chess brothers owed money. It took Berry until 1986--31 years--to get those slugs off the record credits, but not before Chess, Freed, and Fratto syphoned millions from Berry's account. Today it is called identity theft, then it was called business.

    Berry wrote of Leonard Chess's "tactics" of financial deception. Posing as Berry's friend, Chess brought Berry out to a big breakfast, and then let Berry use his Eldorado Cadillac to visit a friend on the other side of town. When Berry got back to the Chess studio, he found that his band was backing up another artist in a recorded "audition" that ended up at the top of the pop charts. And you guessed it--with no compensation to the musicians or to Berry.

    Chuck Berry lamented that his youthful enthusiasm and his hopes and dreams of becoming a recording artist caused him to enter into regrettable contracts with gangsters--all of whom "happen" to be Jewish--despite the clear guidance from both his parents. His father, a contractor, warned his son: "One must read and comprehend all obligations." His mother's advice was succinct and pointed: "Don't let the same dog bite you twice."

    Berry, a very well-educated man, had all the musical talent, but he had to get costly on-the-job training to understand the intricacies of recording contracts and music publishing, royalties and percentages, copyrighting, recoupables, and service fees, and the ins and outs of doing business with booking agents, lawyers, and road managers. It begs the question, How could two Jewish saloon owners and liquor dealers, whose parents had so recently arrived from Poland, have obtained such a vast knowledge of the music business and the benefits of a national network of operatives at their disposal to then so smoothly and completely rip off so many Black artists?

    Minister Farrakhan said that "he poses as your friend" in order to get access to your genius. One writer discussing the Chess legacy observed that the brothers had even adopted the Black man's ways. The Chess brothers were "influenced by the jargon used by their performers, using black slang - often profane - in their business dealings....[T]he brothers' speech was a mixture of heavy Chicago accent, with a hint of Yiddish and a lot of black expressions."

    And it gets even friendlier. Berry wrote of "a certain Jewish girl" who "suddenly showed up" at his concerts in deep dark Mississippi without a care about the racial codes of the 1957 American South. "She popped up in the most weird places," Berry wrote, and exhibited an alluring behavior that he described as "too bizarre." One might easily speculate that the "certain Jewish girl" was another of the Chess-assigned "managers" hoping to use her wiles to siphon even more of Chuck Berry's wealth. Mossad has certainly found that tactic to be extremely effective.

    The Chess brothers parlayed their ill-gotten gains into absolute control over the Chicago music scene and legacy. In 1963, they bought the radio station WHFC, which they renamed WVON--VON stood for "voice of the negro," and it became a successful R&B station. Imagine that: two Jewish gangsters claiming to be the Voice of the Negro!

    A Jewish writer acknowledged that the Chess operation could be compared to sharecropping, and ultimately it began to collapse around them. Chess was sued for underpayment of royalties by the great Howlin' Wolf (Chester Burnett) in 1974, and again in 1976 by blues artists Willie Dixon and Muddy Waters (McKinley Morganfield). Howlin' Wolf's claim for $2.5m was settled after his death. Dixon and Waters used their award to start their own label.

    Can Farrakhan be more exact? Let's look at his words again, as recorded by the ADL:

    "I'm here to tell you no Black man or woman becomes a multi-millionaire without friendship in the Jewish community. Did you know that nearly all prominent Negro actors and musicians have or had Jewish sponsors and managers? They have a way of attaching themselves to your gifts, but you get nothing. They get it all."

    If anything, Chuck Berry was a fast learner. He was ultimately able to free himself from the clutches of those Jews he referred to as "swindlers." At his recent passing Berry's estate is said to be worth $50 million, and that includes publishing rights to most of his 200 songs, and royalties that could amount to $500,000 per year. He also invested in real estate all over the country. The irony is that his music made a talentless gaggle of schemers much, much more. The Chess brothers contributed to Jewish institutions and causes, which gladly turned a blind eye to the Chess brothers' "fundraising" methods.

    In his thoughtful and analytical 1987 autobiography, Chuck Berry went back to his St. Louis church roots in discussing the Chess brothers' pillaging of his wealth and his talent: "Woe be unto him whose wrongs are revealed."


    Throughout his career Chuck Berry was a victim of white Culture Bandits. The outright theft and counterfeiting of Black talent and culture, and repackaging it for white audiences is not just profitable--it IS "white culture." Read about this exploitation in the recently updated bestseller HOW WHITE FOLKS GOT SO RICH .


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Coe College, Cedar Rapids, IA: Leading Commentator on Race in America Jelani Cobb to Speak

    Jelani Cobb

    One of America's leading commentators on race, Jelani Cobb, will be the speaker for the 14th Coe College Contemporary Issues Forum on Tuesday, Feb. 28, at 7:30 p.m. in Sinclair Auditorium. Cobb is an award-winning writer at The New Yorker magazine, where he has penned a remarkable series of articles about race, the police and injustice. He is regarded as of the country's top scholars in African American history and teaches in the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism.

    Tickets are available at no charge at, or by calling the Coe College Box Office at 319-399-8600, Monday through Friday, 11 a.m. to 7 p.m. Tickets will also be available at the door.

    In 2015, Cobb received the Sidney Hillman Prize for Opinion and Analysis Journalism for his New Yorker columns, in which he combined "the strengths of an on-the-scene reporter, a public intellectual, a teacher, a vivid writer, a subtle moralist, and an accomplished professional historian." His best-known articles include "The Anger in Ferguson," "Murders in Charleston," and "What We Talk About When We Talk About Reparations." To read the complete news release, click here.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    “Peace begins with a smile.”

    - Mother Teresa

    At screenings, someone always asks: “What’s the best thing we can do to fight racism?”

    Edythe's first response is usually something like: "Come out of your comfort zone to get to know people from different cultures. Invite them to your home. Say kind things to strangers. And SMILE." With these simple actions, we begin to chip away at the fear that keeps us separate and mistrustful.

    If you're looking for ideas for some ways to get involved in the struggle for racial justice, check out the important work that A New Color's community partners are doing.

    Report back on ANC’s World Theatrical Opening During the Week of October 30th

    Spotlight on The Roxie

    In San Francisco’s Mission District known for its beautiful murals and activism, three of the Womens’ Building MaestraPeace muralists — Edythe Boone, Juana Alicia and Susan Cervantes — joined me for a post-screening panel discussion about the value of public art.

     racial justice
    Mo Morris, Edythe Boone, Juana Alicia, Susan Cervantes and Anabelle Bolanos

    Mo Morris, Edythe Boone, Juana Alicia, Susan Cervantes and Anabelle Bolanos

    Juana Alicia spoke of the risks and hardships muralists sometimes face when community members object to activist messages embedded in the art. Responding to a young muralist seeking inspiration to keep fighting for mural arts when the 'powers that be' put up so many walls, Juana Alicia said: "As a community and political artist, you have to at some point decide that you are going to offend the 'powers that be'. . Stay close to your brush."

    Spotlight on The New Parkway

    Mo Morris and Cephus "Uncle Bobby" Johnson

    Inspired by Edythe’s lifelong commitment to social justice, Oakland audience members engaged with panel members Edythe Boone, Jed Riffe, Maureen Gosling, Oscar Grant’s “Uncle Bobby” Cephus Johnson, co-founder of Love Not Blood Campaign and me.

     racial justice
    Mo Morris and Cephus "Uncle Bobby" Johnson

    "Uncle Bobby" spoke passionately about the urgent need for change in law enforcement practices - asking us to understand that saving black and brown lives is a human rights issue of utmost importance.The gravity of having two elders whose family members’ murders gave rise to the #BlackLivesMatter movement was palpable. It was apparent that this standing room only audience was feeling moved to action.

    Spotlight on The Rafael

    Edythe Boone, Jorge Mario Abundis, Mo Morris

    At the Rafael Theater in San Rafael, the panel discussion included Edythe and Mo as well as A New Color editor, Maureen Gosling, and special guest, Jorge Mario Abundis, who you may remember from the film. (Although he's a tall football player now!)

     racial justice
    Edythe Boone, Jorge Mario Abundis, Mo Morris

    Holding back tears, Jorge spoke from the heart about how Miss Edy -- over 6 decades his elder -- changed the course of his life. Miss Edy came into Jorge’s life when he was an awkward 6th grader student at West Oakland Middle, lacking in a strong mother figure. She told him she loved him, that she believed in him, and that he would find a loving relationship with a woman.

    And he trusted her. While the girlfriend part is a work in progress, Jorge is currently a high school junior, with a 4.1 grade point average looking forward to pursuing a career as a civil engineer.

    The audience carried on the conversation with rich dialogue about mentorship, collaboration and trust-building. How YOU can help!

    Screen Shot 2016-11-16 at 3.06.05 PM CLICK HERE TO DONATE

    Last year we set an ambitious fundraising goal of $30,000 to launch the first phase of our community impact campaign.

    We need to reach $30,000 by year end to get Edy's message of "the color of love" into colleges, classrooms, community centers and libraries across the country in time to meet requests for screenings during "Black History Month" in February.

    We believe A New Color has the power to impact and unite people against racism, biogtry and sexism.

     racial justice

    If you would like to be part of the solution, please consider making a tax deductible donation now by check or credit card today. Welcome to the Newest Members of our ANC Film Family

    Thanks for joining us. We'll keep in touch periodically and, usually, our these newsletters are MUCH shorter. Please take a moment to follow us on Facebook or Twitter for live (albeit virtual) engagement with the A New Color team.

    As always, thanks to ALL of our loyal followers for your ongoing support.

    We could not have done all of this without you.
    Mo + ANC Team
    Parting Words of Wisdom Following the Election

    “Defenseless under the night
    Our world in stupor lies;
    Yet, dotted everywhere,
    Ironic points of light
    Flash out wherever the Just
    Exchange their messages:
    May I, composed like them
    Of Eros and of dust,
    Beleaguered by the same
    Negation and despair,
    Show an affirming flame.”

    Bill Moyers quoting W.H. Auden (Sept 1, 1939)


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Student organizes an #AllLivesMatter Blackout to respond to the “White Power” Trump signs at Pennsylvania school incident.

     AllLivesMatter Blackout
    York, PA is the home of the 1969 Race Riots and while some may not be surprised by the recent hate dripping off of this election, One young lady decided she would do something about it.

    We recently saw in the news that hurtful headline:

    Video catches students shouting ‘white power’ while marching with Trump sign at Pennsylvania school

     AllLivesMatter Blackout
    Well Tajira revealed in an interview with EJ of, she wasn’t happy. That hate doesn’t reflect our city. Our youth are better than that.

    I’m am so happy about the affect of the blackout day we only expected York high to join but I’m glad all over York everyone is supporting equality.This movement was not for the protest again Donald Trump it is to show that us minorities when we stand together we are a powerful movement I love my city #AllLivesMatterYC

    A parent from York, PA was quoted as saying: Here is why I am hopeful! Our youth are definitely the future and I am excited. Students throughout York county banned together to support their fellow students from Vo-Tech and wore black to symbolize United we stand. Kudos to Tajira and Marcelina for organizing the students from York High, York Suburban, and Dover High School for standing in the gap.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Police Assaults on African American Women--another dimension of US racism

    By Rabbi Michael Lerner

    As Jews approach our High Holy Days, our attention shifts toward the process of teshuva--repentance (or as I try to explain to my congregation in Berkeley, Ca., returning to the highest beings we could possibly be). Doing repentance not just for our private acts, but for the ills of the societies within which we live, is an important dimension of the Jewish path of repentance (teshuva). So it is important to face the reality of US racism.

     Rabbi Michael Lerner
    Rabbi Michael Lerner

    And that's why I'm sending you the documentation that Rev. Daniel Buford presents us in his important essay below, "Close Encounters of the Dangerous Kind," with its striking introduction: "While most of the Black Lives Matter discussions and media attention have focused on the foul law enforcement treatment accorded to African American men and boys, very little attention or scrutiny is being devoted to the alarming numbers of African American women and girls who are often treated even worse than Black men in unarmed encounters with police officers."

    I sometimes encounter otherwise decent human beings who tell me that they think the notion that police have been unusually hostile and violent toward African Americans is an exaggeration. I often try to dampen my outrage and summon up my compassion and empathy for such people locked into their own willed ignorance about the reality facing their fellow citizens. But I'm far more outraged at the constant pain inflicted on African Americans in the U.S. The racist reality faced by African Americans in particular is only now being more fully given media attention, and simultaneously I encounter a growing escalation of denial and avoidance by many decent people. It is no exaggeration to talk about racism toward African Americans--in fact, it is largely underplayed still in much of the U.S. media with a few rare exceptions (the exceptions may be those that you read or view--but most Americans don't connect to those media very much).

    Violence against Africans by North Americans began with the enslavement of Africans, continued with the dismantling of post-Civil-War "Reconstruction," and persists to this day. It's tragic that many African Americans today feel that they have to warn their children about possible police or racist assaults they may face going to and from school, or in some schools, and warn them of how easy it has become for many (not all) police to engage in violence against people of color.

    So, yes, Jews are supposed to do repentance for society's sins, not just personal sins. But repentance can be meaningless, unless it is coupled with actions to change the offending behaviors. So after you read the research presented below by Rev. Daniel Buford in his article "Close Encounters of the Dangerous Kind," I invite you to read the Tikkun discussion on how to change this at .

    Rev. Buford brings to your attention just one element of that outrageous reality: the assault on African American women. He presents a very important set of data--attached below after you read his introduction to the data he has assembled. Rev. Buford, has been the social justice minister at Allen Temple Baptist Church, Oakland's largest African American church in the heart of east Oakland, Ca., an area heavily populated by African Americans, Latinos and other minority groups. He will be giving a talk about all this at our High Holiday services which start this Sunday evening (info on that: holidays). -- Rabbi Michael Lerner


    Close Encounters of the Dangerous Kind:

    Unarmed Women, Girls of African Descent and Violent Police Encounters- Arbitrary Punishments, Detentions, Killings, Torture, Extra Judicial Punishments, Summary Executions 1982-2015

    Complied by Daniel A. Buford, Executive Director Meiklejohn Civil Liberties Institute Berkeley, CA September 3, 2016

    The list is a compilation of thirty cases of unarmed African women and female children and the violent encounters they experienced at the hands of law enforcement agencies from every region of the United States. This list is an excerpt of a “Shadow Report” that I am in the process of preparing to be submitted to the United Nations human rights treaty bodies over the next five years of periodic treaty review in New York and Geneva, Switzerland. Cases that are listed here are noteworthy in the current national discussions about the Black Lives Matter movement.

    While most of the Black Lives Matter discussions and media attention have focused on the foul law enforcement treatment accorded to African American men and boys, very little attention or scrutiny is being devoted to the alarming numbers of African American women and girls who are often treated even worse than Black men in unarmed encounters with police officers. An example of this is the rough physical treatment that mothers, girls, and pregnant women experience. The publication of this list with brief descriptions of these encounters is my attempt to talk about rogue police behavior in the larger context of racially motivated state sponsored terrorism that has spiked dramtically in the years that Barak Obama has been President of the United States.

    This list is not meant to be definitive or exhaustive. So far over 214 African Americans have been killed by police in the United States as I write these words in September, 2016. There are no official records kept by law enforcement agencies and even there were the findings would be as suspect as to the scope and analysis of the problem.

    This partial list of “Close Encounters of the Dangerous Kind” however, is representative of the unique challenges that African Americans have as second class citizens in the 21st century. We are a people who are apparently only due 3/5ths of the rights and protections accorded to white citizens in confrontations with the police and the legal structures that validate their genocidal practices. Police are often judge, jury, and executioners in these encounters that are paid for with public tax dollars. As Black people we are in the position of paying cops to kill us with impunity while paying their legal fees and pensions with money collected for taxes, and settlement funds from municipal budgets that bankrupt cities that can’t provide adequate social services and employment opportunities.

    This is exacerbated by a prior state of mind of exhibited by many law enforcement officers of all races and genders; it seems to be that Black people have no rights that police officers need to respect. In California they are immunized by It is this disrespect for our humanity that has given rise to an epidemic of summary executions, arbitrary punishments, torture, killings and extra judicial practices. These acts are carried out with impunity because the police involved know that their individual lives and rights matter more than an African American community’s right to be free from police brutality and terrorism under color of law.

    In California and other states police are immunized from background checks that would reveal prior associations with racial hate groups like the KKK or Nazis, publication of prior misconduct is prohibited, immediate urine testing for drugs and alcohol is delayed. delayed arrest and prosecution of rogue cops from videotaped crimes are sanctioned by the “Police officer’s Bill of rights”. Nationwide police can shoot an unarmed 7 year- old girl or 92 year old woman and escape prosecution because they “feared for their lives”. This is defense is a mandate for racist cowards to carry out the work of the KKK and Nazis while wearing a police uniform.

    The cases listed below were identified by looking at the period between !970 and 2015 and unarmed African American men and women’s encounters with police. I looked for cases that were examples of:

    1. African American arrests, search and seizures, deaths in custody, including shootings, Taser /electro shock, chest compression asphyxia, beating, choking, starvation, genital torture, scalding, multiple gunshots, execution style shootings, deaths in jail cells, use of chemical agents, rough rides, deaths and beatings while handcuffed, denial of medical treatment, etc.

    2. Examples of unconstitutional unreasonable search and seizures, violations of civil rights, human rights violations, cruel, unusual, inhuman, and degrading treatment that resulted in jury or death.

    3. Grand Jury and court rulings processes that favored the conflict of interest relationships between district attorneys and the police that they work with every day; Use of legal frameworks to provide safe harbor for terrorists in police uniform.

    4. Militarization of U. S. domestic police forces, military tactics use by police SWAT teams, ATF, DEA, state, municipal and Federal agencies; deployment and military occupation.

    5. Failures of the United States government to promote and protect human rights of African Americans according to the treaty obligations that the United states has with in the United Nations through treaties that have been signed and ratified. Namely the UDHR- Universal Declaration of Human Rights/ ICCPR- International Convention for Civil and Political Rights/ ICAT-International Convention Against Torture/ ICERD- International Convention to End all forms of Racial Discrimination

    I have chosen to use the descriptive words founds in these international treaty documents because the words that are used by the United States news media organizations, politicians and citizens tend to be euphemisms for much uglier realities. Police brutality can also be called “torture”, “arbitrary punishment”, and “extra-judicial punishment”. An “officer involved shooting” can also be called a “summary execution”, “arbitrary killing”, and “extra- judicial killing”. A list of references, relevant laws and policies is also included as part of this list of Close Encounters of the Dangerous Kind.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Black Lives Matter Platform and Israel

    By Cherie Brown

    In the new Black Lives Matter Platform, there is a section on International issues that focuses on Israel. The platform describes the current oppression of Palestinians and the ongoing occupation by labeling it genocide. The use of this term, 'genocide', stirred up enormous upset amongst many Jews, both from the mainstream Jewish community and the progressive Jewish community.

    Many Jews alive today had relatives who were murdered in the Nazi Holocaust in the middle of the 20th century and find the use of the term genocide to describe what is happening to Palestinians offensive. Some Jews (like the JCRC of Boston) responded by saying they will now have nothing to do with Black Lives Matter. Other groups, Truah, Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, to name a few, took offense with the use of the term genocide but called for continued support of Black Lives Matter and ongoing dialogue about the disagreements.

    What can we do as progressive Jews to think well about these issues?

    1) Black Jewish coalition work in the US, even when we hit rocky points in the partnership, remains key. Without falling into the all too common trap of romanticizing our past support for each other ( in the Civil Rights movement, for example), we can still claim the centrality of the relationship and learn how to fight for an honest partnership that includes ongoing conversation on both racism and anti- Semitism.

    2) The organization I direct, (the National Coalition Building Institute) has been leading diversity programs on college campuses across the U.S. In this past year, particularly on campuses where there were strong battles over BDS ( Boycott, Divest, Sanctions resolutions), I found disturbing trends. There was very little room for dialogue, conversation, or divergent points of view.

    On one campus, progressive Jewish students who were trying to voice a nuanced position opposed to both the occupation and BDS were shouted down. On another campus, a Jewish student, completely uninvolved in Middle East peace efforts, was told she couldn't run for student government because her Jewish identity would make it too difficult for her to be impartial. Many Jews on campus report an atmosphere of intimidation when Jews question the validity of BDS, even if they otherwise support Palestinian rights.

    Throughout the past year, as these events unfolded, I witnessed Palestinian solidarity groups reach out to Black Lives Matter campus groups for support and alliance. And I watched Jewish students finding themselves more and more isolated and confused. The natural alliance between Black people and Palestinian liberation makes sense and can be celebrated. The disruption of Black Jewish alliance building, however, should not have to be accepted as an automatic consequence. The Black Lives Matter platform section on Israel was just an extension of the rigid position taking I had been seeing on campuses all this past year.

    3). As progressive Jews, we sometimes find ourselves in an untenable position. Many of us are in deep solidarity with the Black Lives Matter Movement. We are outraged by the oppression of Palestinians and we have worked diligently for years to end the occupation. At the same time, we claim our right to remain proud of Israel, as imperfect as she may be, just as many are proud of the U.S. as imperfect as she may be. We do not believe that every criticism of Israel is anti-Semitic just as we don’t believe every criticism of the U.S. militarism makes us anti-American. It concerns us when people jump from critiquing horrific Israeli policies to making claims like “genocide”. It concerns us when we hear people generalizing from oppressive Israeli policies to all "Jews” as a people. We do not want to accept the anti- Semitism that exists in a number of liberation movements.

    I have listened to and supported many young adult Jews in these past few weeks, who have been working hard with Black Lives Matter groups, and are now terrified to find their voices and to speak out as Jews about anti- Semitism (terrified that they will simply be labeled racist).

    4) Understanding the concept of Jews as both "oppressed" and "oppressors" has never been easy. Some Jews have supported policies toward Palestinians that are oppressive even though they themselves come from families that were victims of oppression, hatred and genocide. I’ve written in Tikkun magazine about the ways that Jews continue to face oppression. Anti- Semitism does exist. Yet because of this fact, many Jews fail to acknowledge the ways that Jews act out oppressor behavior (the Occupation, for example). Those who do understand the ways that Jews act out oppressive behavior often have trouble always acknowledging or having compassion for the underlying history of oppression of Jews that fuels their oppressive behavior toward others. And yet these same people often understand (when it comes to other sections of the population in the US or globally) how the dynamics of oppression sometimes lead the oppressed to become oppressors.

    5) In this current political climate, with issues being more polarized than ever-- there is a strong pull against dialogue. All too many claim, "you are either for me or against me". "You are on my side or you are on the wrong side." Yet, the complexities of the Israeli Palestinian conflict require thinking and nuanced position taking. Progressive Jews are having a particularly difficult time in this polarized climate to create spaces for honest listening and dialogue on this key issue.

    6) In coalition building work, it is often helpful to remember what causes each other pain, and whenever possible, to refrain from using painful trigger words. The word genocide is such a strong trigger word for Jews. How could it be otherwise? I don't think the key point is to argue back and forth--does the current occupation and oppression of Palestinians rise to the level of genocide? The oppression is horrible. But scoring points, using the most inflammatory words possible, using restimulating language has been a hallmark of the Trump campaign. When it also slips into the platform of an important progressive movement like Black Lives Matter, we all lose. We get unnecessarily divided from each other.

    In the week when the Black Lives Matter Platform was released, the critical issues for Black African Heritage people (mass incarceration, a racist judicial system, racial profiling, etc.) should have been the only issues of conversation. Instead, Blacks and Jews were once again unnecessarily set up against each other through the use of inflammatory language. This was a set back for Black Liberation work, for Jewish Liberation work and for Palestinian liberation work.

    6) As painful as these weeks have been, this most recent divide can also be an incredible opportunity. The sustained authentic relationships that have been built and can be built between Black Lives Matter activists and Progressive Jewish activists with honest and at times painful conversations can carry us through this rough spot with renewed commitment and understanding.

    Cherie Brown is the founder and executive director of the National Coalition Building Institute. She is also an adjunct faculty at the Reconstructionist Rabbinical College.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    To Make America Great Again, We Must Come Together!

    By Yasir Billoo

     Yasir Billoo

    America is facing a lot right now, election year is here and many are confused about who to put their trust in as our next president. Many different cultures are a part of what America is today, a nation that is built on freedom, strength and unity! Unfortunately, these same cultures that live in America often don’t experience what it’s like to really be American.

    Everyday a citizen is judged because of their appearance, culture, or religion! The most sought out judged religion is Muslims. Since the 9/11 tragedy, all Muslims have been pre-judged and blamed for the attacks that took place that fateful day. Unfortunately, many people blamed a whole religion and felt all their people were the same or capable of the same things. Yasir Billoo is a power attorney that is looking for change when it comes to living in America.

    Yasir has spoken about the way Muslims are treated in America, the way they are judged and how he’s experienced this kind of treatment from his colleagues. Yasir is seeking to make America truly great and bring a new influence, coming together with others and making a change.


    Practice Areas
    Business/commercial law, general tort defense, employment & labor, construction litigation and civil appeals

    • Florida Bar: 2004
    • California Bar: 2004
    • Supreme Court of Florida
    • Supreme Court of California
    • All Courts for the State of Florida and California
    • U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida
    • U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Florida
    • Eleventh Circuit for the U.S. Court of Appeals

    Law School
    Nova Southeastern University: J.D., 2003

    • Florida International University: B.S., Communications, 2000
    • Florida International University: B.A., International Relations, 1999

    Memberships/Pro Bono Work
    • Board of Directors, Lawyers to the Rescue
    • Member, Attorney Breakfast Club
    • Treasurer, Florida Muslim Bar Association
    • Member, South Asian Bar Association

    Yasir holds incredible accomplishments and knowledge on what needs to change in America, his background exceeds expectations. Yasir continues to thrive and move up layers, allowing him to get closer to making a difference.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Progressive Politicians Have Harmed Black America

    By Frank V. Vernuccio, Jr., J.D.

    Frank V. Vernuccio, Jr., J.D., the editor-in-chief of the New York Analysis of Policy & Government, brings his 30 years of experience in government and professional writing and broadcast journalism to your audience. Vernuccio provides insights that captivate listeners.

    As racial tensions escalate across America, it is time for an uncomfortable but urgently needed conversation about race relations.

    Many blacks correctly point to the reality that poverty in their communities remains higher than the rest of the nation. They note that young black males have higher rates of incarceration and altercations with police. Non-blacks point to a half-century of anti-poverty and affirmative action programs. Some blame police-black tensions on a higher proclivity to respond negatively to law enforcement on the part of those youth, and suggest an absence of fathers as benevolent authority figures leading to that attitude.

    Both have a point. Yes, there have been extensive anti-poverty programs, but those efforts have been a failure. Poverty remains virtually unchanged in the half century since they were begun. The fact is, those endeavors have been a great benefit to the politically connected who administer them or who had the opportunity to work in them, but they have done precious little for the intended recipients. The rise of “poverty pimps” illustrates the problem.

    After the elimination of officially sanctioned segregation laws and the death of the Jim Crow environment, it seemed that the path to full financial equality would finally begin. The results, to say the least, have been disappointing. In truth, Blacks have been denied the same chance to progress economically that other American groups once discriminated against have had (Irish, Italians, Asians, Jews, etc.) This denial was not the result of intentional discrimination, but rather the replacement of the formerly dynamic and flexible U.S. business environment with one laden with excessive taxes and regulations on the federal, state and local levels. It is doubtful that, given these conditions, any prior downtrodden groups would have had a viable shot at moving up the socioeconomic ladder.

    The failure of the American school system also plays a key role. The philosophy of education was once heavily tilted towards preparing students for success in the workplace. About the same time as the Civil Rights movement succeeded, however, educational philosophy re-oriented towards more esoteric goals—learning for learning sake. The fact is, everyone can’t find employment as college professors. The traditional trades that helped the Irish, Italians, Asians, Jews and others to move into the middle class (and for many, beyond) were de-emphasized.

    It is fascinating to note that in the one area where the anti-free free enterprise and excessively academic movements didn’t take hold—the military—Blacks progressed in about the same way prior minority groups did.

    The late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-NY) wrote extensively about a political environment which inadvertently encouraged economic dependency and the resulting loss of family values within the Black community. Dismissed by many on the left, his vision has been proven correct.

    Progressive or leftist politicians have unintentionally caused harm to Black America through adherence to government programs and taxes as opposed to free enterprise, and the downplaying of traditional values. An acceptance of radical viewpoints and a proclivity to only favor Black candidates and elected officials who slavishly—the word is used intentionally—stick to a liberal perspective has reduced the political clout of Blacks. Consider the vicious comments made by progressive and liberal politicians and pundits about Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, or former Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice. The rejection of these brilliant and accomplished individuals and the acceptance of hucksters such as Al Sharpton indicate an agenda more about politics than truly ending the history of discrimination against Blacks. Consider the outright rejection of black candidates who ran in Republican primaries.

    The white media shares blame with the politicians. It, too, has glorified unsavory cultural leaders within the Black community, while rejecting those who have truly been a voice of reason. It has failed to properly discuss the extreme harm done to minority communities committed by political criminals who rose to prominence as mayors in places like Washington, D.C. and Detroit.

    It’s not just at the ballot box where this takes place. In popular entertainment, the promotion of “gangsta” rap over more savory versions of that musical movement has created destructive role models.

    A half century of failure and political self-interest is enough. It’s time that traditional American economics and practices were given a chance.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Soar Above: Provides The Tools To Help End Racism By Replacing Our Brain's Old Habits With New Ones

    In Soar Above, Dr. Stosny explains why diets don't work, addicts relapse, marriages falter, and Mr. Hyde can't remember what Dr. Jekyll learned in anger management

    Germantown, MD, June 23, 2016 In Dr. Steven Stosny's book, Soar Above: How To Use The Most Profound Part Of Your Brain Under Any Kind Of Stress (HCI Books), the reader is given tools showing how to take flight from the toddler brain to landing in the adult brain when things get tough. Dr. Stosny illustrates that our brains are like "habit-forming machines,” and the goal of his new book is to use habits to overcome the limitations of them.

    In the chapter titled, Anger in the Age of Entitlement, Dr. Stosny illuminates that "We give more importance to personal feelings than personal values and to expressing how we feel rather than doing what we deeply believe is right.” Throughout his book, Dr. Stosny supports with science how to replace old habits with new ones to transform us into the kind of persons, parents, and partners that we most want to be.

    The Table of Contents exemplifies the rich content of Dr. Stosny's work – all of which can stand alone and as shown takes the reader from boarding to soaring.

    1. The Profound Brain
    2. How We Make the Same Mistakes Over and Over
    3. How Pain Becomes Suffering
    4. Feeling Powerful vs. Being Powerful: "Coping” in the Toddler Brain
    5. Toddler Brain Habits Ruin the Best of Intentions
    6. How We React to a Jerk Like a Jerk: Principles of Emotion Interaction
    7. Anger in the Age of Entitlement: Living in the Wrong Part of the Brain
    8. How to Turn Toddler Brain Feelings into Adult Brain Values
    9. Adult Brain Habits: Improve, Appreciate, Connect, Protect
    10. Radical Self-Value Breeds Radical Value of Others
    11. How to Be Happy: Make the World a Little Better
    12. The Adult Brain in the Web of Emotion: Everything We Do Makes the World Better or Worse
    13. To Soar Above, Build a Web of Compassion and Kindness.

    Soar Above is filled with engaging examples from the author's lectures and therapeutic work with his more than 6,000 clients. Readers will learn how, through practice, they can get off the treadmill of repeating past mistakes to become their best selves at home, at work, and in the world. Stress is inevitable in life, but this illuminating book gives anyone the practical tools to rise above.

    About the Author:
    Steven Stosny, PhD, has treated more than 6,000 people through Compassion-Power, the organization he founded and has directed for more than 21 years. He is the author of Living & Loving after Betrayal, Love without Hurt: TurnYour Resentful, Angry, or Emotionally Abusive Relationship into a Compassionate, Loving One and, with Pat Love, How to Improve Your Marriage Without Talking about It. His textbook, Treating Attachment Abuse: A Compassionate Approach, set a new standard for understanding and treating family abuse and was a Behavioral Science Book Selection. His Psychology Today blog on relationships is one of the most popular, with nearly four million views.

    Available wherever books are sold or to order directly from the publisher, contact: or (800) 441-5569 Soar Above: How to Use the Most Profound Part of Your Brain Under Any Kind of Stress   ISBN: 9780757319082


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Smell The Raindrops: Race, Recovery And The Lingering Cost Of Segregation

    Del Mar, CA, April 14, 2016 – For all the pain it caused, segregation also contributed to expanding rings of healing, forgiveness and tolerance for a lucky few. Smell the Raindrops: One young woman's journey through life, love and recovery documents a personal story of addiction and the power of forgiveness within a rich and complex relationship.

    Segregation and social injustice created a peculiar bond between African-American women and the white children they so often raised as their own. Bethany Ann came from a wealthy white family in the segregated South. Karine came from a poor, black neighborhood at the peak of the civil rights movement. They met in the heart, and the quiet strength and nurturing force of Karine became an enduring touchstone.

    Although Karine's wisdom and physical presence do not follow Bethany Ann into adulthood, the relationship is a gift with a lasting impact. A poignant personal story, Smell the Raindrops is also a compelling commentary on the past and present racial climate in our country.

    B. A. Austin is an independent art history lecturer with a Bachelor of Arts from Bowdoin College and a Master of Arts from the University of Memphis. Austin created this memoir-style work of fiction based on her own experiences across the country, infusing each page with a deep sense of place and time. It is a journey across America, across several generations, bringing readers intimately close to day-to-day events that shaped our history.

    For more information, visit:

    Smell the Raindrops
    BA Austin
    Available at the author's website:
    and online everywhere
    ISBN-13: 978-0989504737


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Whitney Dow’s ‘Whiteness Project’ Releases New Online Installment with POV

    Dallas Millennials Share Views on Race

    Dallas Millennials Share Views on Race

    NEW YORK, N.Y. (April 13, 2016) – Intersection of I, the second installment of award-winning filmmaker Whitney Dow’s Whiteness Project, has been released online today. Produced in association with American Documentary | POV, Whiteness Project is an interactive investigation into how Americans who identify as white, or partially white, experience their race. Intersection of I examines millennials’ views about race and identity and aims to further spark debate about the role of whiteness in American society. Whiteness Project encourages white Americans to become fully vested participants in the ongoing conversation about race.

    Filmed in Dallas, Texas, during the summer of 2015, Whiteness Project’s Intersection of I is a collection of 23 interviews with millennials ages 15-27 from varied socioeconomic backgrounds, and with a variety of sexual orientations and gender identities. Interviewees were each asked to discuss their relationship to, and share their understanding of, their own whiteness, as well as consider how their whiteness intersects with the different parts of their identity. Each video interview is followed by a statistic that adds a contextual framework to the views shared and provides an opportunity for self-reflection by the audience.

    Join the conversation on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and Medium with #WhitenessProject.

    For more information and to engage with Whitney Dow’s Whiteness Project’s Intersection of I, please visit:

    Dow’s Whiteness Project brings white Americans, especially those who would not normally engage in a conversation about race, into the racial discussion. Whiteness Project’s first installment, Inside the White/Caucasian Box, is a collection of 21 interviews filmed in Buffalo, N.Y. Released in October 2014, it immediately generated buzz across traditional and social media. “Provocative and unsettling, the Whiteness Project is straight from the horse’s mouth,” said Tom McKay of Mic, while Gayle King of CBS This Morning called it “fascinating” and Jordan Sowunmi of Vice described it as “complex and original.”

    “Intersection of I is my attempt to expand the conversation started by Inside the White/Caucasian Box by digging deeper into the complicated equation that makes up identity,” said Whiteness Project creator Whitney Dow. “I wanted to better understand the role whiteness plays in people with complex identities such as those who are biracial, multi-racial or transgender. I focused on millennials as they are viewed as the group that is driving the rapid change in identity politics and perceptions. As always, I used research to put the views expressed into a broader societal context.”

    “We’ve been watching the Whiteness Project reverberate across the web and offline, across the political spectrum and skin colors, and also in a variety of academic settings,” said POV Digital Executive Producer Adnaan Wasey. “With this new chapter about millennials, we are leveraging burgeoning social networks to engage a new generation and facilitate a new set of conversations about race in America.”

    An interactive art installation version of Intersection of I can also be experienced as an official selection of the 2016 Tribeca Film Festival’s Storyscapes, April 14-17 at the festival’s Hub, 50 Varick St., New York, NY 10013. The installation is a collaboration between Dow, architectural firm LOT-EK, KUDOS Design Collaboratory and ARUP.


    About Whiteness Project
    Created by Whitney Dow, Whiteness Project is an interactive investigation into how Americans who identify as white, or partially white, experience their race. It is produced in association with American Documentary | POV. Executive Producer for POV Digital: Adnaan Wasey. Executive Director for POV: Justine Nagan. Executive Producer for POV: Chris White. Senior Producer for POV Digital: Emma Dessau. Design and Programming: Studio Kudos. Executive Producer: Michelle Byrd. The first installment, Inside the White/Caucasian Box, a collection of 21 interviews filmed in Buffalo, N.Y., was released in October 2014. The second installment, Intersection of I, a collection of 23 interviews with millennials ages 15-27 filmed in Dallas, Texas, was released on April 13, 2016. Major support for Whiteness Project has been provided by John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, TFI New Media Fund and Ford Foundation | Just Films.

    About Whitney Dow
    Whitney Dow is an award-winning filmmaker and educator whose directing credits include: Two Towns of Jasper, I Sit Where I Want, Unfinished Country and When the Drum is Beating. His producing credits include: Freedom Summer, Banished, The Undocumented, Toots, and Among the Believers. His films have screened at dozens of festivals, from Sundance to Tribeca, and been broadcast around the world. His work has been recognized with the George Foster Peabody Award, Alfred I. duPont Award, and the Anthony Radziwill Documentary Achievement Award, among others, as well as many film festival honors. In addition to his work on the Whiteness Project, he is currently serving as the Story Director for the multi-platform public media project Veterans Coming Home. He is a Research Scholar at Columbia University’s Interdisciplinary Center for Innovative Theory and Empirics (INCITE) and teaches filmmaking and interactive storytelling at Hunter College in New York City.

    About American Documentary, Inc.
    American Documentary, Inc. (AmDoc) is a multimedia arts organization dedicated to creating, identifying and presenting contemporary stories that express opinions and perspectives rarely featured in mainstream media outlets. AmDoc is a catalyst for public culture, developing collaborative strategic engagement activities around socially relevant content on television, online and in community settings. These activities are designed to trigger action, from dialogue and feedback to educational opportunities and community participation. AmDoc is a 501(c)(3) not-for-profit organization.

    About POV Digital
    Since 1994, POV Digital has driven new storytelling initiatives and interactive production for POV. The department created PBS’s first program website and its first web-based documentary (POV’s Borders) and has won major awards, including a Webby Award (and six nominations) and an Online News Association Award. POV Digital continues to explore the future of independent nonfiction media through its digital productions and the POV Hackathon lab, where media makers and technologists collaborate to re-invent storytelling forms.

    About POV
    POV is public television’s premier showcase for nonfiction films. Since 1988, POV has been the home for the world’s boldest contemporary filmmakers, celebrating intriguing personal stories that spark conversation and inspire action. Always an innovator, POV discovers fresh new voices and creates interactive experiences that shine a light on social issues and elevate the art of storytelling. With our documentary broadcasts, original online programming and dynamic community engagement campaigns, we are committed to supporting films that capture the imagination and present diverse perspectives.

    About KUDOS Design Collaboratory
    KUDOS Design Collaboratory is an interdisciplinary design and technology consultancy based in New York and Jakarta, Indonesia and handled design and programming of Intersection of I. The firm was founded by John Kudos and Kiki Katahira in 2008, and is now composed of a team of passionate graphic designers, web/app developers, and strategists, working with forward-thinking brands, institutions, and agencies. KUDOS designs everything from brand identities, exhibitions, websites, digital installations, signages, publications, posters, books, and animations. The firm crafts end products that are engaging, coherent, cohesive, and sustainable for the web, on paper, in motion, and on location.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Video Examines Extraordinary Racial Bias in TX Death Penalty Case on Final Appeal to U.S. Supreme Court

    Thursday, April 8, 2016, New York, NY – A newly-revised video about one of the most extraordinary cases of racial bias in a death penalty case was released today by attorneys for Texas death row prisoner Duane Buck. Mr. Buck is an African-American man who was sentenced to death after his own lawyer introduced "expert" testimony and an "expert" report stating that Mr. Buck was more likely to be dangerous in the future because he is Black. His case, Buck v. Stephens, is now on appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court and is expected to be conferenced on April 22, 2016.

    “This case offers the United States Supreme Court a critically important opportunity to reaffirm the fundamental principle that racial bias has no place in the administration of criminal justice,” said Christina Swarns, Director of Litigation at the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. and Counsel of Record for Petitioner in Buck v. Stephens. “By ensuring that the courts do not turn a blind eye to the explicit racial discrimination in Mr. Buck’s case, the Supreme Court ensures the integrity of not only Mr. Buck’s sentence but the criminal justice system overall.”

    Narrated by former Texas Governor Mark White, the video demonstrates how Mr. Buck’s case exemplifies the concerns raised by people throughout the country about the fairness of the American criminal justice system. The injustice of Mr. Buck’s case is described through a series of powerful interviews with leading figures in the Texas civil rights movement, state politicians, the surviving victim in the case, one of the trial prosecutors and Mr. Buck’s family members, all of whom call for a new, fair sentencing hearing free of racial bias.

    A Broken Promise in Texas: Race, the Death Penalty and the Duane Buck Case can be accessed here: 2-minute version:; 10-minute version:

    Mr. Buck was condemned to death in 1997 after his own trial attorneys introduced testimony and a report from a psychologist, Dr. Walter Quijano, stating that Mr. Buck was more likely to be dangerous in the future because he is Black. Under Texas' law, a death sentence can only be imposed if the prosecutor can prove future dangerousness to the jury. In Mr. Buck's case, the prosecutor relied on this "defense evidence" to argue that the jury should find Mr. Buck a future danger. The jury agreed and Mr. Buck was therefore sentenced to death. (cert petition, pp. 4-6; the link to the cert petition is at end of press release)

    Shockingly, Mr. Buck's trial counsel presented the race-as-dangerousness evidence to the jury and never objected to the prosecutor's questions or arguments about that testimony. Mr. Buck's initial appellate counsel never challenged Mr. Buck's trial counsel's conduct on appeal. Because of this succession of severely deficient lawyers, Mr. Buck's current counsel argues that his Sixth Amendment right to the effective assistance of counsel at trial was violated.

    In 2000, then-Texas Attorney General (now U.S. Senator) John Cornyn admitted that Dr. Quijano's testimony linking race to dangerousness was unconstitutional. The Attorney General's office identified seven cases, including Mr. Buck's, where-because of Dr. Quijano's testimony-new, fair capital sentencing hearings were required. Texas promised to admit error in each of these cases. The State kept its promise, ensuring new sentencing hearings for all the identified defendants, in every case except Mr. Buck's. (cert petition, pp. 8-9)

    Texas has never offered a valid explanation for its failure to keep its promise to admit that Duane Buck's capital sentencing hearing was rendered unconstitutional by the admission of racially-biased testimony. Texas prosecutors have stated that notwithstanding their promise, Mr. Buck's case is different from the other six because Dr. Quijano was a defense witness in Mr. Buck's case. However, Dr. Quijano was also a defense witness in two of the other cases (Carl Henry Blue and John Avalos), and Texas kept its promise, conceded constitutional error and allowed new, fair sentencing trials for both of those defendants. Consequently, Texas has never offered an accurate explanation for its failure in Mr. Buck's case to concede the unconstitutionality of the racially-biased expert testimony and waive its procedural defenses so that Mr. Buck could receive a new, fair sentencing trial.

    Mr. Buck's case is an extraordinary instance of racial bias. Before the U.S. Supreme Court changed the law to remove procedural barriers to claims like Mr. Buck's, Justice Alito called Dr. Quijano's testimony that Mr. Buck's race made him more likely to be dangerous in the future "bizarre and objectionable." Justice Sotomayor wrote that Mr. Buck's death sentence was "marred by racial overtones" that "our criminal justice system should not tolerate." (cert petition, pp. 12-13)

    As the video explores, racial discrimination has historically pervaded the Harris County District Attorney’s office, including at the time of Mr. Buck’s case. A study from 2013 revealed that between 1992 to 1999 (a time period which includes Mr. Buck’s case), the Harris County D.A.’s Office was over three times more likely to seek the death penalty against African American defendants like Mr. Buck than against white defendants, and Harris County juries were more than twice as likely to impose death sentences on African American defendants like Mr. Buck.

    These results are corroborated by earlier comprehensive studies reflecting that at the time of Mr. Buck’s capital trial, the Harris County D.A.’s Office sought death for black defendants but did not seek death for similarly situated white defendants in cases like Mr. Buck’s.

    Approximately half the African American prisoners on Texas’ death row are from Harris County. Disturbingly, the problem of racial discrimination in Harris County capital cases persists today: since December 2004, all of the new death sentences in Harris County have been imposed on men of color (three Hispanic men and thirteen African-American men). See infographic from Texas Defender Service:

    There is widespread support across the political spectrum for a new, fair sentencing hearing for Mr. Buck. One of Mr. Buck's trial prosecutors, former Harris County Assistant District Attorney Linda Geffin, has urged the State to agree to a new sentencing hearing for Mr. Buck, stating: "No individual should be executed without being afforded a fair trial, untainted by considerations of race." The surviving victim, Phyllis Taylor, has forgiven Mr. Buck and does not want to see him executed.

    Other supporters include former Texas Governor White and more than 100 civil rights leaders, elected officials, clergy, former prosecutors and judges, and past ABA presidents. All agree that Mr. Buck is entitled to a new, fair sentencing hearing where race is not a factor.

    Additionally, a bipartisan amicus brief in support of Mr. Buck was filed in the case on March 7, 2016. Hon. Mark L. Earley, former Attorney General of Virginia, Hon. Timothy K. Lewis, former federal Judge and prosecutor, Hon. Gregory B. Craig, former White House counsel, and Hon. Sheila Jackson Lee, who represents Texas's 18th Congressional District in the United States House of Representatives, are the signatories of the brief. This bipartisan amicus brief emphasizes the fact that the "noxious and deeply prejudicial use of race... has no place in our criminal justice system" (p. 4) and urges the Court to grant Mr. Buck's request for Supreme Court review.

    The video is produced by award-winning documentarians Emily Kunstler and Sarah Kunstler and the NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc. which is co-counsel to Mr. Buck with the Texas Defender Service.

    “The U.S. Supreme Court is now quite literally the court of last resort,” said Kathryn Kase, Executive Director of Texas Defender Service and co-counsel to Mr. Buck. “It is up to the Supreme Court to ensure that Mr. Buck does not face the ultimate sentence based on his race.”

    For additional background on Mr. Buck's case, please go to:
    Mr. Buck's Petition for Certiorari can be accessed here:
    The bipartisan amicus brief in support of Petitioner can be accessed here:


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    The Truth About Woodrow Wilson And White Progressives

    The New York Times
    The Opinion Pages | Editorial
    The Case Against Woodrow Wilson at Princeton
    NOV. 24, 2015

    Student protesters at Princeton performed a valuable public service last week when they demanded that the administration acknowledge the toxic legacy of Woodrow Wilson, who served as university president and New Jersey governor before being elected to the White House. He was an unapologetic racist whose administration rolled back the gains that African-Americans achieved just after the Civil War, purged black workers from influential jobs and transformed the government into an instrument of white supremacy.

    The protesters’ top goal — convincing the university to rename the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the residential complex known as Wilson College — has drawn heavy fire from traditionalists. But the fact that racist policies enacted during Wilson’s presidency are still felt in the country today makes it imperative that the university’s board of trustees not be bound by the forces of the status quo.

    Wilson, who took office in 1913, inherited a federal government that had been shaped during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when thousands of African-American men and women passed Civil Service examinations or received political appointments that landed them in well-paying, middle-class government jobs in which they sometimes supervised white workers. This was anathema to Wilson, who believed that black Americans were unworthy of full citizenship and admired the Ku Klux Klan for the role it had in terrorizing African-Americans to restrict their political power.

    As the historian Eric Yellin shows in “Racism in the Nation’s Service,” Wilson stocked his government with segregationists who shared his point of view. The man he chose for the postal department, which had the most black employees nationally, had campaigned on the promise that the Democratic Party could be counted on to keep black people out of its own ranks and out of the government affairs of the Southern states. In this way, the administration set about segregating the work force, driving out highly placed black employees and shunting the rest into lower-paying jobs.

    For John Abraham Davis, a black midlevel manager in the Government Printing Office with 30 years’ experience, the change came almost overnight. Just months after Wilson was sworn in, Davis was demoted to a succession of menial jobs and ended up as a messenger making half his original salary. As his grandson, Gordon Davis, wrote on the Op-Ed page on Tuesday: “By April 1914, the family farm was auctioned off. John Davis, a self-made black man of achievement and stature in his community at the turn of the 20th century, was, by the end of Wilson’s first term, a broken man. He died in 1928.”

    The steady attrition of black white-collar workers like Davis from the federal work force went far deeper than the customary turnover when one party succeeds the other in government. It was a premeditated attempt to impoverish and disempower a small but growing class of black middle-class professionals. This subversion was not limited to Washington. In a few short years, Mr. Yellin writes, the Wilson administration had established federal discrimination as a national norm.

    None of this mattered in 1948 when Princeton honored Wilson by giving his name to what is now called the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. Black Americans were still viewed as nonpersons in the eyes of the state, and even the most strident bigots were held up to public adulation. This is certainly not the case today.

    The overwhelming weight of the evidence argues for rescinding the honor that the university bestowed decades ago on an unrepentant racist.

    Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook and Twitter, and sign up for the Opinion Today newsletter.

    racist Woodrow Wilson
    (Credit: Library of Congress)

    Friday, Nov 20, 2015 07:00 PM EST
    We have the Woodrow Wilson/P.C. debate all backwards: Protesters are forcing a debate Princeton has whitewashed for decades Princeton placed Wilson on pedestal for decades. Protesters tell a fuller story. So exactly who is stifling speech?

    Corey Robin
    Topics: Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, Race, political correctness, Editor's Picks, Yale, Missouri, News

    I have three tho

    First, in discussions with various people, two of the most common responses I’ve heard to the Princeton students’ demands that Wilson’s name be removed from all campus buildings are these:

    1. Woodrow Wilson may have been a racist, but he was a great president, contributing to all manner of progressive policies. Wilson’s racism was, at most, a sideline interest, a passion he pursued during his off hours, after the real business of daily governance was done. It has nothing to do with his presidency or legacy.

    2. Yes, Wilson was a racist, but so are all white people in the United States. Always have been, always will be. (Whether the people making these claims are including themselves in this characterization remains unclear.) So why single him out?

    As it happens, both claims are untrue. Wilson wasn’t simply a personal, after-hours racist. Nor he was he just a creature of his time, reflecting a popular racism that was already firmly in place. As president, Wilson actively worked to nationalize — some might even say internationalize — the Southern position on race, most notably by segregating, and implementing new modes of discrimination within, the federal bureaucracy, which in the years leading up to his administration had offered African Americans some possibility for advancement. Racism was central to his politics, and he made specific contributions to advancing its cause in America.

    It was also a cause he had long thought about, and to which he devoted countless scholarly hours. In 1901, while he was a professor at Princeton, Wilson penned an article for “The Atlantic Monthly” titled “The Reconstruction of the Southern States.” Here’s what he said about the freed slaves after the Civil War:

    An extraordinary and very perilous state of affairs had been created in the South by the sudden and absolute emancipation of the negroes, and it was not strange that the southern legislatures should deem it necessary to take extraordinary steps to guard against the manifest and pressing dangers which it entailed. Here was a vast ‘laboring, landless, homeless class,’ once slaves, now free; unpracticed in liberty, unschooled in self-control; never sobered by the discipline of self-support, never established in any habit of prudence; excited by a freedom they did not understand, exalted by false hopes; bewildered and without leaders, and yet insolent and aggressive; sick of work, covetous of pleasure,—a host of dusky children untimely put out of school….They were a danger to themselves as well as those whom they had once served….

    One year later, he was made president of Princeton.

    If you’re a high school student checking out the university on a campus tour, here’s how the university’s tour guides might describe this former university president to you:

    Woodrow Wilson’s association with Princeton began when he arrived as an undergraduate in the Class of 1879. During his college years, Wilson was secretary of the Football Association, speaker of the American Whig Society (now the Whig-Cliosophic Society), and managing editor of the Daily Princetonian. In 1890, Wilson returned to Princeton as a professor and in 1896 he pioneered the theme “Princeton in the Nation’s Service” in a speech at the University’s sesquicentennial celebration.

    Renowned as a warm, high-minded scholar, Wilson was elected Princeton’s 13th president in 1902. As president, he initiated the broad distribution requirements and raised the University’s admission standards. In 1905, Wilson introduced the preceptorial system to foster a personal and intimate relationship between teacher and student. In terms of social and residential life, Wilson promoted a “Quad Plan,” inspiring the residential colleges we have today.

    Wilson resigned the Princeton presidency to begin his political career in 1910, running for and winning the governorship of New Jersey, where he quickly established himself as the nation’s leading progressive politician. He was elected President of the United States in 1912 and re-elected in 1916. For his efforts at Versailles including his League of Nations proposal, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, the only Princetonian to receive this honor.

    And that’s why we owe these students at Princeton a debt. Universities are supposed to be educational institutions: Their first educational constituency is their students, of course, but their second is the nation. Most of us are fairly ignorant about how central race and racism were to Wilson’s politics. By forcing this question, not only on Princeton’s campus but throughout the country, Princeton’s students are actually doing the job that Princeton itself is supposed to be doing: they’re educating all of us.

    Or pushing us to educate ourselves. I know they forced me to scramble back to the articles and books I once read, prodding me to get clear on questions and answers I used to have a firmer grasp on: What was Wilson’s position on self-determination in Africa again? What’s the connection between slaveholder John C. Calhoun’s theory of the concurrent majority and Wilson’s own ideas about representation again? Why did the West Indian-born activist Cyril Briggs hate Wilson so much again?

    Second, the resolution to the immediate crisis of the students’ occupation of the president’s office is that Princeton will now consider whether to expunge Wilson’s name from its buildings. Wilson is the crown jewel of Princeton: he was its president, his name adorns a residential college there and Princeton’s school of public policy. When I was an undergraduate there in the late 1980s, the only bad thing anyone had to say about him was that he once tried to get rid of the university’s stuffy eating clubs. (Some of us wish he had succeeded, but that’s another question.)

    But now the university is going to have an opportunity to debate Wilson’s legacy. Not just its students, faculty and staff, but also its alumni, who include many prominent figures in the media and politics. Because of Princeton’s place in national politics and culture, the conversation is sure to get a lot of attention. Vested interests will be challenged; passions will be roused; arguments will be had. History, which too often remains the preserve of professors and scholarly journals, will become genuinely public history.

    In the last few weeks, campus activists have been portrayed as the sworn enemies of freedom of speech. But what have these activists at Princeton achieved if not a flowering of dialogue and debate? Not only have they asked for more discussion (one of their demands includes more courses on ethnic studies) but so have their actions — taking over a campus building, refusing to leave until their demands have been met — produced more discussion. And are sure to produce even more.

    Too often in our debates about freedom of speech, we assume that it already exists and that it is campus activists, particularly over questions of race, who threaten it. But what Princeton’s students have shown is that, before they came along, there was in fact precious little speech about figures like Wilson, and what speech there was, was mostly bland PR for tourists and prospective students. Even more important, Princeton’s students have shown us that it is precisely the kinds of actions they have taken — which are uncivil, frequently illegal and always unruly — that produce speech. Not just yelling and shouting, but also informed, deliberative, reasoned speech.

    Last, one of the most common objections to these types of moves to get rid of names on buildings or monuments — in addition to these Princeton students, there’s been a move at Yale to get rid of John C. Calhoun’s name from one of its residential colleges — is that we are erasing or repressing the past. My friend Jim Livingston, the brilliant Rutgers historian from who I always learn something, makes that claim here. I would be less than honest if I didn’t say that I shared that concern. Purification rituals always

    But if you’re looking for symbols of purity, you’d be hard pressed to find a better one than Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs: the building is as white as the driven snow. Or take a tour of the campus, where you’ll hear tales of Wilson’s storied presence there. Listen to how Wilson gets repeatedly invoked by college administrators in campus addresses. At Princeton, the man is a monument, a monument of power that is pure.

    While my general approach to history is one of modulation — past imperfect, always — I’m leery of those who would say, against the students, don’t erase the past. I’m leery of these critics’ timing: if there’s any erasing going on here, it’s in the daily practices of Princeton. In those campus tours, those campus addresses, the general celebration of the man. Why haven’t we heard criticism of how the past is being erased by Princeton’s celebration of Wilson?

    I’m also leery of these critics’ assumptions that removing a name from a building is about erasing the past. As if once the name is gone, all conversation stops, all memory disappears. As if the decision to remove Wilson’s name won’t itself become part of the story of Woodrow Wilson at Princeton. As if history is frozen in amber.

    Besides, there’s any number of ways to take Wilson’s name off a campus building — without erasing the past. Princeton could put up a plaque that says, “This building was once named after Woodrow Wilson in honor of his achievements as president of Princeton, governor of New Jersey and president of the United States. In 2015, after lengthy campus discussions of Wilson’s racial policies — including his decision to segregate the federal bureaucracy — the university decided to remove his name from this building and to rename it the W.E.B. DuBois School of Public and International Affairs, in honor of Wilson’s most formidable critic on matters of race.”

    And then we could have another debate: about how DuBois would have been appalled to see his name adorn a building on a campus where dining hall workers, many of whom are black (it’s telling that the demographic on campus that has the highest percentage of African Americans is “all other staff”), make less than a living wage if they are parents and are often treated as if they were servants.

    Corey Robin is a professor of political science at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center. Author of The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin and Fear: The History of a Political Idea, he is currently writing a book about Clarence Thomas.

    Policy & Politics
    Woodrow Wilson was extremely racist — even by the standards of his time
    Updated by Dylan Matthews on November 20, 2015, 8:10 a.m. ET @dylanmatt

    racist Woodrow Wilson
    Behold! A racist! Tony Essex/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    This Wednesday, a group of Princeton students stormed the offices of president Christopher Eisgruber to demand that Woodrow Wilson's name be removed from all programs and buildings at the university. That's a big ask. Princeton has an entire school — the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs — named after Wilson, who served as university president from 1902 to 1910, before his time in the White House. It also has Wilson College, a residential college for undergrads.

    So far, the university is standing firm, insisting that, in the Associated Press's words, "it is important to weigh Wilson's racism, and how bad it was, with the contributions he made to the nation." And outside of Princeton, the incident is being seized upon as yet another example of campus PC run amok:

    Leaving aside the broader question of whether Wilson's name should be removed, let's be clear on one thing: Woodrow Wilson was, in fact, a racist pig. He was a racist by current standards, and he was a racist by the standards of the 1910s, a period widely acknowledged by historians as the "nadir" of post–Civil War race relations in the United States.

    Woodrow Wilson resegregated the federal government

    racist Woodrow Wilson
    Apic/Getty Images Wilson and his Treasury secretary, William McAdoo, who led the charge by resegregating his department.

    Easily the worst part of Wilson's record as president was his overseeing of the resegregation of multiple agencies of the federal government, which had been surprisingly integrated as a result of Reconstruction decades earlier. At an April 11, 1913, Cabinet meeting, Postmaster General Albert Burleson argued for segregating the Railway Mail Service. He took exception to the fact that workers shared glasses, towels, and washrooms. Wilson offered no objection to Burleson's plan for segregation, saying that he "wished the matter adjusted in a way to make the least friction."

    Both Burleson and Treasury Secretary William McAdoo took Wilson's comments as authorization to segregate. The Department of Treasury and Post Office Department both introduced screened-off workspaces, separate lunchrooms, and separate bathrooms. In a 1913 open letter to Wilson, W.E.B. DuBois — who had supported Wilson in the 1912 election before being disenchanted by his segregation policies — wrote of "one colored clerk who could not actually be segregated on account of the nature of his work [and who] consequently had a cage built around him to separate him from his white companions of many years." That's right: Black people who couldn't, logistically, be segregated were put in literal cages.

    Outright dismissals were also common. Upon taking office, Wilson himself fired 15 out of 17 black supervisors in the federal service and replaced them with white people. After the Treasury and Post Office began segregating, many black workers were let go. The head of the Internal Revenue division in Georgia fired all his black employees, saying, "There are no government positions for Negroes in the South. A Negro's place in the corn field." To enable hiring discrimination going forward, in 1914 the federal government began requiring photographs on job applications.

    In 1914, a group of black professionals led by newspaper editor and Harvard alumnus Monroe Trotter met with Wilson to protest the segregation. Wilson informed Trotter, "Segregation is not humiliating, but a benefit, and ought to be so regarded by you gentlemen." When Trotter insisted that "it is untenable, in view of the established facts, to maintain that the segregation is simply to avoid race friction, for the simple reason that for fifty years white and colored clerks have been working together in peace and harmony and friendliness," Wilson admonished him for his tone: "If this organization is ever to have another hearing before me it must have another spokesman. Your manner offends me … Your tone, with its background of passion."

    W.E.B. DuBois
    Keystone/Getty Images W.E.B. DuBois, a vocal critic of Wilson's segregationist policies, pictured in 1950.

    It's worth stressing that Wilson's policies here were racist even for his time. Presidents Teddy Roosevelt and William Howard Taft had been much better about appointing black statesmen to public office, and other political figures, including whites, attacked Wilson's moves toward segregation. The influential pro–civil rights journalist Oswald Garrison Villard wrote that the Wilson administration "has allied itself with the forces of reaction, and put itself on the side of every torturer, of every oppressor, of every perpetrator of racial injustice in the South or the North." He further attacked it for its "political stupidity": The administration "has put into the hands of the Republican party an issue which, if they have the sense to use it, may be just the touchstone they are seeking."

    Villard was taken seriously by the White House, which tried to court him on the issue and offered hints that it might be changing its tone. He met with Wilson and corresponded with him on racial issues numerous times. But the segregation policies were never reversed.

    Some Republicans seized upon the issue, though it wasn't the political game changer that Villard hoped it would be. "Congressman John J. Rogers of Massachusetts introduced resolutions urging investigation of treatment of Negro employees in the Treasury and Post Office Departments," historian Nancy Weiss writes, "but both measures died on committee calendars without gaining so much as a hearing."

    Wilson's racism even extended to foreign affairs. While it had been customary to appoint black ambassadors to Haiti and Santa Domingo (now the Dominican Republic), Wilson didn't do that either. At the Versailles Convention in 1919, Wilson helped kill a proposal from Japan calling for the treaty to recognize the principle of racial equality. While 11 out of 17 members at the meeting considering the amendment favored it, Wilson, who was presiding, arbitrarily decided that the amendment had been defeated because the vote wasn't unanimous. This wasn't an actual rule that the proceedings were operating under; a simple majority vote was enough to decide that the League of Nations would be headquartered in Geneva. Wilson just really didn't want the treaty to recognize racial equality and wanted to appease the British Empire, which was premised on subjugating African and South Asian people.

    Woodrow Wilson was a vocal defender of the Ku Klux Klan

    Wilson was governor of New Jersey when he became president in 1913, but he had been born in Virginia and raised in Georgia and South Carolina. He was, historian William Keylor notes, the first Southerner elected to the presidency since Zachary Taylor in 1848. Southern racists, accordingly, rejoiced his election. "Washington was flooded with revelers from the Old Confederacy, whose people had long dreamed of a return to the glory days of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, when southern gentlemen ran the country," Keylor writes. "Rebel yells and the strains of 'Dixie' reverberated throughout the city."

    Wilson himself was the descendant of Confederate soldiers, and identified deeply with the "Lost Cause" narrative, according to which the Confederacy was a government of noble men trying to preserve a decent agrarian way of life against crude Northern industrialists, rather than a separatist movement premised on white supremacy. Historian Wesley Moody describes Wilson's most famous book as an academic, A History of the American People, as "steeped in Lost Cause mythology." The book was generally sympathetic to the Ku Klux Klan, describing them as "men half outlawed, denied the suffrage, without hope of justice in the courts, who meant to take this means to make their will felt." ("This means" being violence and intimidation against black people.) The following quote from the book even made its way into The Birth of a Nation, D.W. Griffith's infamous feature valorizing the Ku Klux Klan as saviors of the South:

    racist Woodrow Wilson
    DW Griffith "A great Ku Klux Klan."

    Lest one think this is a misrepresentation of Wilson's views, The Birth of a Nation actually cut off the most racist part of the first half of the quote:

    The white men of the South were aroused by the mere instinct of self-preservation to rid themselves, by fair means or foul, of the intolerable burden of governments sustained by the votes of ignorant negroes and conducted in the interest of adventurers.

    And that was only the last of three Wilson quote title cards in the film. This one came first:

    [A]dventurers swarmed out of the North, as much the enemies of one race as of the other, to cozen, beguile, and use the Negroes.…In the villages the Negroes were the office holders, men who knew none of the uses of authority, except its insolences.

    And then this one:

    The Policy of the congressional leaders wrought…a veritable overthrow of civilization in the South.…in their determination to "put the white South under the heel of the black South."

    For his part, Wilson lent The Birth of a Nation his approval by screening it at the White House and reportedly telling Griffith that it could "teach history with lightning."

    Elsewhere in the book, Wilson attacked Reconstruction on the grounds that "the dominance of an ignorant and inferior race was justly dreaded." He was strongly against black suffrage: "It was a menace to society itself that the negroes should thus of a sudden be set free and left without tutelage or restraint." He praised those freed slaves who "stayed very quietly by their old masters and gave no trouble" but bemoaned that they were the exception, the being "vagrants, looking for pleasure and gratuitous fortune" who inevitably "turned thieves or importunate beggars. The tasks of ordinary labor stood untouched; the idlers grew insolent; dangerous nights went anxiously by, for fear of riot and incendiary fire."

    At the end of Reconstruction, "Negro rule under unscrupulous adventurers had been finally put an end to in the South, and the natural, inevitable ascendancy of the whites, the responsible class, established." In a 1881 article that went unpublished, Wilson defended the South's suppression of black voters, saying that they were being denied the vote not because their skin was dark but because their minds were dark (yes, really).

    Wilson's racism wasn't the matter of a few unfortunate remarks here or there. It was a core part of his political identity, as indicated both by his anti-black policies as president and by his writings before taking office. It is completely accurate to describe him as a racist and white supremacist and condemn him accordingly.

    Correction:This post originally referred to the Woodrow Wilson School of Public Policy and International Affairs; it's actually the school of Public and International Affairs. Wesley Moody was also mislabeled as Wesley Morris.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Civil Rights Groups Seek Meeting with Film Industry Leaders: Warn That Academy Risks Irrelevancy

    The leaders of three leading national civil rights organizations announced that they are requesting a meeting with the trustees of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences and other film industry leaders. The National Urban League, the National Action Network and the National Coalition on Black Civic Participation released the following statement in response to the ongoing struggle for diversity in the Academy’s awards nominations:

    NEW YORK (January 26, 2016) – Following an awards nomination process that saw the nomination of no actors of color and no women writers, the Academy of Motion Picture Sciences promised a greater push for diversity. That was a year ago. Therefore, it rings hollow when the Academy – for the second year in a row – promises a greater push for diversity in response to another all-white acting nomination slate.

    A lack of diversity in the entertainment industry is a complex issue without a simple solution. We are well-aware the problem neither begins nor ends with awards nominations. But the overwhelmingly white, male, and older membership of the Academy dismally fails to reflect the vibrant creative filmmaking community. Award nominations translate into box-office success, and the potential for box-office success determines which projects are greenlighted.

    If the Academy cannot break this vicious circle, it risks its own irrelevancy.

    According to the L.A. Times, the domestic and international television rights provide the academy with approximately $70 million annually. ABC, which holds the domestic rights, is expected to garner at least $80 million in advertising revenue this year. Furthermore, African-Americans attend the movies on average more often than whites, spending more than $1.1 billion annually on movie tickets.

    It seems that the Academy’s board of trustees believes diversity is a problem that will resolve itself. The nominations show otherwise. We will be requesting a meeting with the Academy’s board members and other industry leaders where we will present a clear and specific blueprint for moving forward, and outline our plan to hold the Academy accountable.

    National Urban League


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    Founded in 1776, a Historic Black Church Challenges the Nation to Ring a Long-Stilled Bell

    Against a contemporary backdrop of racial tension, Colonial Williamsburg to restore a church bell silent since segregation and let it ring for freedom for all of Black History Month

    WILLIAMSBURG , Va. – In 1776, the year of America’s independence, a group of slaves secretly founded the First Baptist Church in Williamsburg, Virginia. The church, which celebrates its 240th anniversary in 2016, is today one of the country’s oldest African-American houses of Baptist worship[1], and a symbol of the faith, struggle, and perseverance that marks the black experience in America. The First Baptist Church — whose first members met under thatched arbors in the woods — later moved to a church building and acquired a bell in the late 19th century. Since the days of segregation and Jim Crow, the bell has been inoperable…unheard throughout the tumult and progress of the civil rights movement and in the presence of famed worshipers including Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Rosa Parks. The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, which has played a key role in building the church at the current site, has pledged to restore the bell to working condition and to challenge the nation to ring it throughout the day — every day — for Black History Month in February 2016.

    “Bells call people to faith. They send folks forth to do good work in the world,” said Reginald F. Davis, Pastor of First Baptist Church. “But Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who prayed in our church, also said that freedom rings. A silent bell represents unfinished work of freedom and equality. This bell, in this sacred and historic church, will be silent no more.”

    An engineering and conservation team led by Colonial Williamsburg experts is already on site at the church to determine the age, foundry, and provenance of the bell, and to begin the painstaking process of restoring it in time for it to toll throughout Black History Month.

    “We are going to challenge the nation, Americans of every color, faith, and creed, to take a turn at the bell rope,” said Mitchell B. Reiss, president and CEO of the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation. “This church and this bell follow the arc of the American story unlike any symbol in the nation. The church was founded in America’s year of independence, but this was a dream deferred for far too many. As a nation we constantly strive to form a more perfect union, based on liberty, rule of law, and human dignity, and as current events remind us, that work is forever unfinished.”

    Black History Month also will be honored by Colonial Williamsburg, the First Baptist Church, and The College of William & Mary with an unprecedented range of special programs offered daily during the month of February. This will include a new exhibition at the Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Museum, A Century of African-American Quilts; daily lectures and live theater throughout the historic area; concerts, film festivals, oral histories; and gospel music and church services at the First Baptist Church. One of Colonial Williamsburg’s full-time interpreters — James Ingram — portrays the first pastor of First Baptist Church, the slave preacher Rev. Gowan Pamphlet.

    “Colonial Williamsburg is in the story-telling business,” said Ingram. “We tell the story of America, including our arduous journeys through prejudice and injustice. We want people to come and take their turn at the bell rope, to take their place in the American story, and to help heal the nation of the divides that remain among us.”

    Colonial Williamsburg’s conservation efforts at First Baptist Church will go beyond those for the bell itself. In addition, Colonial Williamsburg’s conservation team will clean and conserve several historic communion vessels owned by the church, as well as conserve two marble carved gravestones from 1851 and 1866 that marked the graves of two free blacks buried in Williamsburg.

    “Colonial Williamsburg is pleased to bring its conservation expertise to bear on the preservation of these important artifacts, which help to illustrate the deep and rich history of Williamsburg’s African-American community,” said Ronald L. Hurst, Colonial Williamsburg’s vice president for collections, conservation, and museums and its Carlisle H. Humelsine chief curator.

    The Let Freedom Ring challenge is made possible in part by a generous grant from the Ford Foundation of New York.
    For more information, or to reserve your spot at the rope please visit

    About First Baptist Church
    The First Baptist Church of Williamsburg originated in the 1700’s with a quest by courageous slaves and free black worshipers who simply wanted to worship God in their own way. In their search, they left the church of the slave owners, Bruton Parish, where worship was restrained and segregated, and built the first brush arbor at Green Spring Plantation to gather secretly in song and prayer. Worshipers soon moved to a more convenient spot, Raccoon Chase, where Robert F. Coles, a compassionate white landowner in Williamsburg, inspired by the worshipers' stirring songs and soulful prayers, offered the use of his Carriage House on Nassau Street as a meeting place sometime in 1776. The Reverend Moses, an enslaved person, served as preacher to the worshipers until his passing in 1791. His prodigy, Rev. Gowan Pamphlet, returned to the community and led the congregation of the “African Baptist Church” until his death in 1810. A new African Baptist Church was built across from the Carriage House and dedicated in May 1856, later to be named First Baptist Church in Williamsburg in 1863. The present location at 727 Scotland Street has served as home since 1956.

    About the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
    The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation preserves, restores and operates Virginia’s 18th-century capital of Williamsburg. Innovative and interactive experiences, such as the street theater Revolutionary City® and the RevQuest: Save the Revolution!TM series of technology-assisted alternate reality games, highlight the relevance of the American Revolution to contemporary life and the importance of an informed, active citizenry. The Colonial Williamsburg experience includes more than 400 restored or reconstructed original buildings, renowned museums of decorative arts and folk art, extensive educational outreach programs for students and teachers, lodging, culinary options from historic taverns to casual or elegant dining, the Golden Horseshoe Golf Club featuring 45 holes designed by Robert Trent Jones and his son Rees Jones, a full-service spa and fitness center, pools, retail stores and gardens. Philanthropic support and revenue from admissions, products and hospitality operations sustain Colonial Williamsburg’s educational programs and preservation initiatives.

    [1] A small number of black Baptist churches can legitimately claim to be the oldest in America — First African Baptist in Savannah, Ga., for example, and Silver Bluff Baptist Church in Jackson, S.C. However, First Baptist Church in Williamsburg is believed to be the first black Baptist church that was organized entirely by African Americans.

    Notable Names Supporting "Let Freedom Ring" include:
    Blair Underwood, Actor
    Nona Hendryx, Producer, Singer, Songwriter
    Russell Simmons, Philanthropist & Founder of the Foundation for Ethnic Understanding
    Rabbi Marc Rabbi Schneier, Founder of the Foundation for Ethnic Understanding
    Dr. Suzan Johnson Cook, Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom
    Reverend Reginald Davis, Pastor of the First Baptist Church
    Dr. William F. Richardson, Chairman of the National Action Network
    Dr. Mitchell Reiss, president and CEO of the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
    Esperanza Spalding, American jazz bassist, cellist and singer
    Aretha Franklin, Famed Singer & Musician
    Super Bowl champion Cato June
    Kym Whitley, Comedian and Actress


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of


    Approaching black people may cause time expansion effects

    WASHINGTON - Time may appear to slow down for white Americans who feel threatened by an approaching black person, raising questions about the pervasive effects of racial bias or anxiety in the United States, according to research published by the American Psychological Association.

    In a series of experiments, white adults viewed faces of white and black people who appeared to be moving toward them on a computer screen. Participants rated the apparent speed or approximate time that each face was on the screen and completed a survey that measured their anxiety when around people of a different race.

    White participants who reported more racial anxiety perceived the approaching black faces as moving more slowly or appearing longer on the computer screen than the white faces. Although participants saw both male and female faces, there was no difference in observed effects based on gender. The same effects weren’t found when the black faces appeared to be moving farther away, possibly because they weren’t perceived as a threat, the study noted.

    While racial bias has been alleged in many recent high-profile police killings of unarmed black men, the authors said this is the first study to demonstrate that racial anxiety may even temporarily alter the perception of time and motion. The study was published online in the Journal of Experimental Psychology: General.

    “People tend to think that if you felt threatened, you’d think someone was approaching more quickly,” said lead researcher Andreana Kenrick, PhD. “But in the moment, the anxiety of the experience may cause heightened attention and time expansion where the passage of time seems to slow down, similar to car crash survivors who say the accident seemed to take place in slow motion.”

    These contrasting findings were found in different experiments in the study, said Kenrick, a former postdoctoral fellow at Princeton University where the research was conducted. In one online experiment, 108 white U.S. residents were asked to imagine a white or black person moving toward them. Participants who reported higher levels of racial anxiety imagined that the black person was moving more quickly. However, in four other experiments where participants were shown images, whites who reported more racial anxiety perceived approaching black faces as moving more slowly than white faces in the present moment, possibly because of time expansion effects.

    The experiments included a total of more than 500 white adults who were recruited online, at Princeton University or at a shopping mall in Lawrenceville, New Jersey. There was an almost even split between male and female participants, with varying ages. Since all of the participants were white, the study didn’t discern whether black people who report high levels of racial anxiety would experience similar effects for approaching whites.

    The findings don’t necessarily mean that the participants who reported high levels of racial anxiety were racist or experienced implicit bias, Kenrick said. Those participants may have been unaccustomed to being around black people or fearful that they might be accused of being racist in an awkward encounter.

    “The study is not necessarily measuring racial bias but some of the effects of discomfort around people of another race,” Kenrick said.

    The study findings may have important practical implications, including inaccurate eyewitness identification and the misinterpretation of innocent actions by black people as threatening, Kenrick said. “If you perceive time as slowing down, then you may feel overconfident about identifying the approaching person later or interpreting their actions,” she said. “However, more research is needed to reach firm conclusions.”

    Article: “Moving While Black: Intergroup Attitudes Influence Judgments of Speed,” Andreana C. Kenrick, PhD, and Stacey Sinclair, PhD, Princeton University; Jennifer Richeson, PhD, Northwestern University; Sara C. Verosky, PhD, Oberlin College; Janetta Lun, PhD, University of Maryland; Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, published online Nov. 2, 2015.

    Full text of the article is available from the APA Public Affairs Office and at

    Contact: Andreana C. Kenrick at

    The American Psychological Association, in Washington, D.C., is the largest scientific and professional organization representing psychology in the United States. APA's membership includes more than 122,500 researchers, educators, clinicians, consultants and students. Through its divisions in 54 subfields of psychology and affiliations with 60 state, territorial and Canadian provincial associations, APA works to advance the creation, communication and application of psychological knowledge to benefit society and improve people's lives.


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

    ...And How the Jews Stopped Him

    A Special Report
    By Nation of Islam Research Group

    In the 1980s, a group of unarmed Black men, under the direction of the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan, went into a crime- and drug-ridden housing project in Washington, DC. Almost instantaneously, the drugs and crime were eliminated, and a once blighted and terrorized war zone was returned to a peaceful community. Residents were ecstatic, police chiefs swooned, federal agencies begged for more. The men became known as the Dope Busters, and they achieved remarkable success in every housing project they entered. In effect, FARRAKHAN's men had won the "war on drugs" AND the war on crime WITHOUT FIRING A SINGLE SHOT. And then came the Jews, who used their enormous power to put a stop to it all.

    Read the incredible story of HOW FARRAKHAN SOLVED THE CRIME & DRUG PROBLEM...And How the Jews Stopped Him:

    Up with Jesus! Down with Santa!

    Minister Farrakhan announced: “We’re about to boycott Christmas!" Let us "redistribute the pain," as Dr. King said in his last speech. If we want justice, we must stop feeding the oppressor the only thing he wants from us--our money! Minister Farrakhan said, "If you love Christ, then to hell with Santa! Up with Jesus! Down with Santa!”

    Had enough of police brutality?!

    From BLACK FRIDAY to NEW YEAR'S Day--Buy NOTHING during the Christmas Season


    The articles on this website are provided for information purposes only. does not accept any responsibility or liability for the use or misuse of the article content on this site or reliance by any person on the site's contents. Use at your own risk.

    No Implied Endorsement: does not endorse or recommend any article on this site or any product, service or information found within said articles. The views and opinions of the authors who have submitted articles to belong to them alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of

good quality websites


divider of content

divider of content

black city info

divider of content

  1. African-American Experience and Issues of Race ...
    African-American Experience and Issues of Race and Racism in U.S. Schools.

  2. African-American Teens' Perceptions Of Racial Discrimination ...
    A 3 year study of African American youths' perceptions of racial discrimination has found that many Black teens consider themselves victims of racial discrimination, and these perceptions are linked to how they feel about being Black.

  3. Black or African American Populations...
    African Americans have a long history in the United States. Some African American families have been in the United States for many generations; others are recent immigrants from places such as Africa, the Caribbean, or the West Indies.

  4. Black LIberation System ...
    Apply the principles of Kemetic (African Egyptian) and East Indian yoga to heal from PTSS (Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome) and PSSD (Post Slavery Stress Disorder)

  5. Do Black Intellectuals Need to Talk About Race?...
    Do black academics have a special obligation to address social and racial issues beyond the campus?

  6. Issues of Race in the 1930's ...
    The 1930's were a turbulent time for race relations in America. Despite the decline of such organizations as the Ku Klux Klan (which had enjoyed renewed support during the 1910's and 1920's) racism was as strong as ever in the Southern states.

  7. Race and Ethnic Policy Issues...
    Racial tolerance continues to be a clear trend in American society. In fact, during the past six years there has been a significant positive change in the perceptions of both African Americans and whites regarding the present state of race relations.

  8. Race During the Great Depression ...
    The problems of the Great Depression affected virtually every group of Americans. No group was harder hit than African Americans.

  9. Race, Racism and the Law...
    This site addresses race and racism in American law.

  10. Racial Attitudes in America ...
    Provides a very brief summary of the main trends reported in this update. It is based on data updates provided to the tables in the volume Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations, Revised Edition, by Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, Lawrence Bobo and Maria Krysan (Harvard University Press, 1997).

  11. Race Relations...
    Essays and commentary on race.

  12. The Top 10 Most Startling Facts About People of Color ...
    The Top 10 Most Startling Facts About People of Color and Criminal Justice in the United States. A Look at the Racial Disparities Inherent in Our Nation’s Criminal-Justice System.

divider 400

divider of content

amazing blacks divider of content


Terms of Use    Privacy Policy